Repozitórium index

Tineretul de astăzi se confruntă cu o criză a identității valorilor, fără a fi vinovat pentru aceasta. Cei responsabili de educația și îndrumarea lor, cum ar fi părinții, dascălii, clericii și îndrumătorii spirituali, și-au pierdut orientarea spirituală, preferând adesea siguranța în locul mântuirii. În societatea actuală, se observă o predominanță a răului explicată prin prisma mentalității evoluționiste susținute de știință. În acest context, cuvintele din Sfânta Scriptură și apelul către Dumnezeu par a fi fără rost. Răul este adesea redus la încălcări ale normelor etice, explicate printr-un raționalism care justifică urmarea pasiunilor personale. Abaterea de la calea corectă trasată de Părinții Bisericii, precursorii pedagogiei moderne, a dus la o pierdere a valorilor fundamentale ale creației divine. Este esențial să redescoperim fundamentul creștin al pedagogiei și orientarea spirituală pentru a remedia această situație.

In his 1583 ritual entitled Agendarius, which was innovative in many respects in comparison to its Hungarian predecessors, Bishop Miklós Telegdi of Pécs, the administrator of the diocese of Esztergom, added sample-like sermons to the rituals of the administration of the sacraments accompanying the great turning points of life (viz. baptism, confirmation, wedding etc.). He was presumably guided chiefly by pastoral considerations. For the second edition of 1596 (published after Telegdi’s death), the editors added a second funeral sermon, clearly intended for a more educated, urban audience – judging from the scholarly Latin quotations and the general tone. A comparison of the structure and content of the two speeches provides useful conclusions as to what the ecclesiastical authorities of the time considered advisable to preach at the time of death to mourners lacking basic schooling and what to the more learned audience.

My study approaches Unitarian sermon literature from the perspective of church discipline. There are several reasons for this: 1) Historical records of reception are scarce because in the early modern age, only a handful of Unitarian sermons could be published. 2) it was uncommon among Unitarian preachers to use theoretical works (ars concionandi/praedicandi) until the end of the 17th century, they learned instead by observing the written and oral practices of their colleagues. 3) Because of the medium of the manuscript, most early modern Unitarian sermons did not survive beyond the 17th–18th century. Therefore, in our exploration of the rules and ideals of sermon literature as well as the attitudes of followers, preachers, and schoolmasters to the genre, we are forced to rely on inferences based on the norms, especially the offences recorded in (ecclesiastical) court protocols.

Minucius Felix Octavius című írása, ez a különös 3. század eleji apológia posztmodern értelemben akár regénynek is nevezhető. A kerettörténet szerint három jóbarát sétálni indul Ostiába. Mindhárman előkelő és művelt rómaiak. Szüret van, őszi aranynapok, munkaszünet, s a három jóbarát ki is használja ezt, és a tengerparton sétálgat. A környezet idilli, békés és nyugodt: a tenger, noha szélcsendben is mindig nyugtalan, szinte sétautat alakít ki a három jóbarát számára a fövenyes parton, ők pedig sarutlanul lépdelnek ezen a váratlanul, majdhogynem hármójuk kedvéért kialakuló, kellemesen nedves sétányon. Régen nem látták egymást, örülnek a viszontlátásnak. Gyönyörködnek a tájban, halkan beszélgetnek, történeteket mesélnek egymásnak, és az összhang teljesnek tűnik közöttük. Ez már csak azért is meglepő, mert már a dialógus elején kiderül, hogy ketten közülük, Minucius és Octavius keresztyének, és mindketten ügyvédek, a harmadik pedig, akit Caeciliusnak hívnak, pogány.

It is often argued that the sixteenth-century Reformation initiated a chain of events that ultimately led not only to religious pluralism within the body of the Western Christian Church, but also to the rise and dispersion of mutual acceptance among various religious groups. The fact, however, that these two things (i.e. religious pluralism and tolerance) did not emerge directly and immediately (almost as a matter of course) from the Reformation itself, is similarly undeniable. As we shall see below, we have sufficient evidence to claim that although the Reformers – including John Calvin, Theodore Beza and others, with whom this paper is partly concerned – at some point in their lives (mostly in their youth) advocated and invocated the cultivation of the spirit of tolerance, most of them refrained from upholding such positions once their situation as leaders within a newly emerged (both religious and political) community or realm became established.